The Isfahan Bible, A Historical Meditation
by Aram Yardumian
Of Isfahan in the mid-seventeenth century, French traveler Jean Chardin wrote, “It is the grandest and the most beautiful town in the whole of the east” and its surrounding countryside “incomparable for its beauty and fertility.” Situated on the central Iranian Plain, at the vertex of trade routes, Chardin found the city a bustling hub of commerce and education as populous as London, with broad tree-edged avenues and lanes as agreeable as those in Paris (though they predated Haussmann’s renovation program by two hundred years). The walls of its mosques were lined with porphyry and marble, the chambers of its palaces filled with mirrors, clocks, and cabinets of the finest craftsmanship, and its coffers with so much fine art that they lay in disintegrating piles. Pietro della Valle called Isfahan the New Rome. Merchants from India, Georgia, and the Ottoman lands chose to build huge palaces with exquisite gardens in Isfahan both for its own entrepreneurial scope, and its position at the strategic center of caravan trade in silk and silver.
Standing as it did at the center of the Early Modern commercial world, Isfahan was referred to by Persian poets and statesmen as “nesf-e jahan”, meaning the place from which one could see each half of the world.[1] For this reason Abbas the Great, Shah of Safavid Persia, made it his capital in 1598, some seventy-five years before Chardin’s visit. At the time, the Shah faced the same geopolitical challenge the Assyrian Empire faced some 800 years before in the same place: how to secure the open northwestern frontier against the enemy, in this case the Ottomans. In 1604, he took a step toward a solution: scorch the earth and resettle all those who lived in the frontier. Among the uprooted were some 100,000 Armenians from Julfa, a city now in the Nakhchivan Autonomous Republic. Those who survived the journey were settled in suburb of Isfahan called New Julfa and there were permitted a near complete religious freedom their descendents still enjoy today.
The Shah’s goals were, as Kathryn Babayan notes, a centralized Safavid state and absolute power, which would come with a tightened grip on the Eurasian silk trade. The resettlement program was therefore doubly calculating on the part of the Shah, for the Armenians brought with them their vast network of trade contacts and letters of credit, which indeed would increase the wealth and power of the city, and the empire. Though the caravan was their preferred mode of transportation east and west, the Armenians were also involved in maritime enterprise in the Indian Ocean theater and the Far East, and extended their influence from Iberia to the Moluccas. Their routes, as Ina McCabe has noted, did not follow the Silk Road of popular imagination; instead they carved their own ways through Anatolia to the Mediterranean, and north through Russia by way of the Volga, to the Baltic and from there to Amsterdam. As well, it seems, they travelled by sea from Bandar-e ‘Abbas to India, Manila and beyond. Of their presence in India Braudel asked, “What would Madras have been without the Armenians?”
The significance of this time and place to history and cultural contact rests on two facts. First, Armenians were and remain Orthodox Christian and were received and trusted as such while doing business among Protestants and even Catholics in Europe, whereas Muslim traders were both subject to prejudicial mistrust and hidebound by the restrictions of their Shari’at. Second, by virtue of their chamelionism, the Armenians gained timely and perhaps unique access to new European technologies such as clocks and the printing press, and introduced them to the East. Conversely, they seem to have been instrumental in the coincidental increase of Oriental fashions in Europe. Armenian church leaders recognized the value of movable type and campaigned to introduce it to their communities. Armenian traders established a printing press in New Julfa in 1636 (the first in the Middle East with one possible exception, and the seventh, by my count, in all of Asia), and by the end of the seventeenth century in Venice, Marseilles, Lvov, Astrakhan, Leipzig, Amsterdam, and elsewhere. The early impacts of the printing press on nations outside Europe is not yet fully understood, but if we may draw on McLuhan, the invention of alphabets, and later the practice of printing with movable type (and much later, electronic media) is to create new social categories: they may, through a principle McLuhan calls “visual quantification”, engender nationalistic, religious, economic and other formations; they may either crystallize a language and with it a people, as it did with Armenian and Arabic, or it may send a language into remission, as it did with Latin. With the Armenian printing press came lexicons, Friday Books, psalmodies, and of course Bibles. Each of these editions had the effect of binding together literate individuals who may never meet one another, into a people.
All of this brings us to an appreciation of an obscure Armenian illuminated bible produced in this enclave in Persia, at the dawn of printed bibles. One of thousands of Armenian illuminated leaves which survive in various collections, the Isfahan Bible is part of the Getty Museum’s collection, and was recently on display as part of the exhibition Stories to Watch: Narrative in Medieval Manuscripts. Though there are several Armenian bibles from Isfahan, the Isfahan Bible in the Getty is a curiosity among them. Written and illuminated in 1637-1638, its existence is probably owed to Khachatur Kesaratsi, the prelate of New Julfa, who would have commissioned it. Very little is known of the artists, whose names were Malnazar and Aghap’ir, though it is likely they came from a monastery in old Julfa along with the rest of the immigrants.
The artists decorated their bible with scenes from the Old and New Testaments such as Creation, and portraits of Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John. Many leaves are adorned with peacocks, roosters, and many unidentifiable plants and animals. Also included is a set of New Testament canon tables which helps a reader to cross-reference a story in more than one of the Gospels. A portrait of Eusebius of Caesarea, who developed the canon tables in the 300s appears in tandem with them. This manuscript was evidently inspired another, similar bible from 1623 (sometimes the date 1629 is given) by Hakob of Constantinople, as commissioned by Khoja Khachik in 1607. This prototype is in the Calouste Gulbenkian Museum in Lisbon (Inv. Nr. A 152), where I have yet to see them.
Fol. 13 of the Isfahan Bible illustrates the Creation, as described in Genesis 1-3. In the top left corner of the page we see God in what appears to be his Holy City, surrounded by four beasts of the Apocalypse. It is worth noting the absence of the nimbus or halo over God in all four of the panels in which he appears. Although the Isfahan Bible post-dates the High Renaissance, at which time use of haloes began to decline, the Byzantine and Eastern Christian communities, in maintained their own traditions, continued to depict them. Beside God’s feet is the inscription in Armenian, “By grace of the Lord the earth was filled, and by the word of the Lord the heavens were made”. Here begineth the Six Days of Creation, which are encapsulated in plaited medallions, each depicting the events of one day. The subsequent episodes, depicted in three horizontal sections, are followed from beneath God’s throne, first from left to right: the creation of Adam and Eve, below which is the temptation of Eve by the serpent and the offering the fruit to Adam, which is followed right to left. Then, again from left to right is depicted the expulsion of the couple from the gates of Eden (in this case, a walled city).
The artists’ prerogative to fit all of Genesis 1-3 on a single leaf may have been due only to material limitations, but it remains only one of several unique or highly unusual aspects of this manuscript and its prototype. Among the questions its existence raised for me as I stood in the Getty and stared at it: from whence its influences?—for all its apparent plainness it seems to incorporate motifs and elements neither Byzantine, nor Persian, nor Armenian. How does the art and architecture of the Eastern Christian churches ‘fit in’ to the broader discourse of art history and cultural production? [2] Why did the printing press not multiply in Persia and the Arab world as it did in Europe, the New World, and the Raj?[3]
And what role did the beauty and wealth of Isfahan itself play in the format and tone of this illuminated book?—Isfahan, the center of the world, though far enough from the Armenian imagination. In what sense, then, does the Isfahan Bible record the circumstances of its production? For the fertility of the Safavid capital at this time we may thank the immense self-interest of the Shah, whose goal it was to profit from the presence of Armenians in his capital. Yet in a move most Stalinesque he ordered thousands of the non-merchant class deportees, along with Georgian and Circassian captives, be ghulamized—that is, their ethnic, tribal, and religious ties to their home and family and identity be dissolved entirely. The Isfahan Bible is a vestige not only of life at the fork of east and west, ancient and modern, at the cusp of the printing press and the beginning of its slow and indelible change of the entire world, but also of fantastic change among Caucasians in the Safavid Empire, of peoples trying to hold onto something to which they would never return, in a new home where their freedoms were their prison.
[1] This Persian phrase, which rhymes with Isfahan, is often understood to mean that in Isfahan one can see half of all that is in the world. The Arabic root word “nasf” implies bisection into equal divisions. Therefore, a less faithful but more accurate translation might be “Isfahan is the center of the world”.
[2] It turns out a thorough and comparative scholarly treatment of the transmission of medieval illumination techniques between regions is lacking; the best available is to be found in Christopher de Hamel’s A History of Illuminated Manuscripts.
[3] The first printed book in Persian did not appear until 1830. Perhaps this delay was due to opposition from Muslim legal scholars and even the scribes, who opposed movable type for their various reasons. Even as late as the early twentieth century, Persian books were by and large printed in India.